ABSTRACT
In the early 1979, Shah Reza Pahlavi who was the head of Iranian regime and hated by people, overthrew by a strong mass movement. After that, Shia religionist people took charge of this movement and they put into power Ayetullah Humeyni who returned from exile. New Islamic Republic of Iran had different domestic and international policies, such as anti-monarchy, export of revolution and pan-Islamism. We can indicate that, monarchy was collapsad with intervenes of foreign powers in the early twentieth century. Announcement of this collapse had delayed until 1979 with Pahlavi Dynasty’s accomplishment. In frame of this, Iranian Islamic Revolution can be seen as revival of shi'ism. There are many reasons of this revolution; such as intervention of foreign powers to the internal affairs, getting closer of Pahlavi and US relations, bad economic circumstances, modernizing movements. But, what happened before all these cases? We ought to go a little back in history and check out its background.
If the twentieh century were to go down in history as a ‘revolution century’ . Iran should undoubtly claim a special distinction. In a span of seventy short years-short in terms of Iran’s 2500 years of documented history- the political status quo was threatened, tested, or changed by no less than seven different challenges to the incumbent political authority. In 1906, a group of intellectual, enlightened politicians, establishment ulama, and bazaar merchants rose against the tyrannical absolutism of the Qatar monarchy in favour of a just and free society.[1]
World War I brought new problems and devastation to Iran. It promoted revolutionary and democratic sentiment and fueled the desire among many to reconstruct Iran as an independent country. New movements for social change came to a head in the postwar period. The war distruption awakened many Iranians to the need for strong and independent government. Nationalist’ influence grew and there were wartime uprisings. The most serious antigovernmental and nationalist movement was a revolt in the Caspian province of Gilan,from 1917 on. A local leader, Kuckek Khan, led a movement for more democratic and egalitarian rule. The partisans of this movement were known as jangalis(forest dwellers) because they operated in the wooded area of Gilan.
When the war was over, Iran faced heightened problems, among which were food scarcity, high prices, the revived power of tribal chiefs and landlords, and the diminished power of the central government. The British, whose troops occupied most of the country, spent money freely in Iran during the war to ensure the complaisance of tribal and governmental leaders and, by the war’s end, had great influence over Iran’s rulers.
From 1918 to 1921 Britain moved to consolidate control over Iran. British subsidies to the government helped insure its complaisance.ın the summer of 1918 the British made Kuckek Khan halt the advance of his forces and sign an agreement that limited his control to Gilan. Middle-class nationalistsoften did not sympathize with Kuchek Khan’s movement, but it bolstered thies desire to change the government. Conservative nationalists wanted to divert attention from internal problems and hoped that an anti- British display would reduce demands for social change. Radical and antiradical forces were thus United against the pro-British cabinet, and this brought the resignation of Vosuq ad-Dauleh in June 1920.The Tudeh(communist party) members and other Marxist group probably wish to start the Jangali rebellion of 1917-1921.[2] A government formed under a moderate nationalist, Moshir ad-Dauleh, announced the suspencion of the Anglo-Persian Treaty until British and Russian troops quit Iran and the majles could debate freely.
In 1921 Reza Khan, commander of an Iranian cossack force, overthrew the decadent Kajar dynasty, and, as Reza Shah Pahlevi, established the Pahlevi dynasty in 1925. During his reign, transportation and communication systems were improved, and a program of Westernization was begun. In 1941 Britain and the Soviet Union occupied areas of the country to protect the oil fields from German seizure. Because of this Allied presence, Reza Shah Pahlevi, who had been friendly to the Axis powers, abdicated. His son, Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlevi, succeeded to the throne and adopted a pro-Allied policy. In 1945 the Iranian government requested the withdrawal of occupying troops, concerned that Soviet forces were encouraging separatist movements in the northern provinces. All troops were withdrawn by 1946.
The British and their Iranian allies forced the resignation of Moshir ad-Dauleh in the fall, and the new prime minister, Sepahdar, was more complaisant to the British[3]. He put British officers in command of the Cossacks and prepared to submit the treaty to the newly elected majles. The Sepahdar government was neve rable to put the treaty to the majles, however, owing to continued opposition.
Iran’s government turned to the United States for backing and aid. The United States was showing new interest in Iran and its oil, and in August 1920, States Department intructed its Tehran represantative:
It is assumed that… you have discreetly and orally conveyed to the Persian Foreign Office information to the effect that the Department believes that American companies will seek concessions in the northern provinces and that the Department hopes tha American companiesmay obtain such concessions.. the Department has taken the position that the monopolization of the production of an esseantial raw material suc h as petroluem, by means of exclusive concessions or other arrangements, isin effecet contrary to the principle of equal treatment of the national of all foreign countries.³
Iran’s government wanted American advisers for ministries, including Finances and War;and an American manager for an Iranian national bank, and oil and transport concessions to the United States. Late in 1920 the Iranians requested a loan from the United States. The American government did not respond immediately, butnegotiations for advisers and concessions contiued.
The postwar social movement in Iran had a rather sporadic and regional character the negative effecets of the war help account for both the genesis and the limitations of this movement. The war did not stimulated urban development or national economic cohesion, but furthered regionalism and disunity. The popular movement was disunited,and did not have national program that could challenge the government or exercise strong influnce on national affaiars. Western intervention also lessened the effectiveness of popular movements.
The immediate postwar period did, however, see intellectual developmentsthat helped spread nationalist ideas. The second series of Taqizadeh’S Berlin-based Kaveh included high-level research on Iran and expressed patriotic, secularist, and reformist themes. Taqizadeh’s views in this period was that except in promoting yhe Persian language,Iran should totally follow Western models to progress and be independent. Among Kaveh’S topics were public education, equality for women, the need for strong a strong central government and to control the tribes, and advocacy of sports and more translations from western languages. There were also other ationalis publications as well as publications by Communists and socialists.
Dissatisfaction with Iran’s postwar governments, especially among natioanlists, along with absence of any strong national party, made it possible for a small group of men to overthrow the Sepahdar government. While there is no written evidence of British Forreign Office involvement in the coup, the commander of British military forces in Iran, General Ironside, backed Reza Khan’s rise to power in the Cossack Brigade and encouraged him to undertake a coup.[4]Control overthe modernized Cossack Brigade, was a power bas efor the new government, and particularly for Reza Khan.
The accesion of this government Marks a turning point in Iranian history. The government showed a new independence of the West in many matters, and Western interference became more indirect. Reza Khan was primarily interested in building a strong centralized state, and his reform efforts were mainly measures for centralication and efficiency, including suppression of tribal and autonomist movement and strengthening the army and bureaucracy. The demands of the middle classes and some nationalists were partly met through centralization, the growth of trade and of the civil service, the rejection of open British control, and theexpectation of further reforms once the strengthened army took control of the country.
Despite his moderate and pro-British background, Sayyed Zia issued a proclamation promising land reform, national independence, a plan for modern, industrialzed economy, and other social reforms. This program suggests the power of the reform movement. Sayyed Zia also announced the annulment of the Anglo-Persian Treaty.
Reza Khan concentrated on modernizing and strengthening the army, which increased his power. Personel ambition and policy disagreement led Reza Khan to force Syyed Zia’s resignation and make him flee Iran.a new cabinet was formed under Qavam as-Saltaneh, a powerful official with more liberal leanings than most of his class, but real power was increasingly in the hands of Reza Kahn. Reza Khan had taken over real control of Iran and in 1923 became prime minister and persuaded the weak shah to leave for Europe.[5]Before Reza completely centralized power several parties including both Socilists and Communists on the left, were active, as were a variety of organizations, newspapers, and journals. The socialist and Communist parties set up the Central Couincil of Federated Trade Unions in 1921, ehich led several strikes.
Reza Shah Pahlavi was the Shah of Iran from 1925 to 1941. He became Shah, after he overthrew Ahmet Qajar who was the last Shah of Qajar (Kaçar) Dynasty. Thus, Pahlavi Dynasty was built, which was secular, anti-communist, militarist and nationalist. Reza Shah became the King eventually. But we have to specify that United Kingdom had a great role in this situation. Because, UK bothered of close Qajar-Russia relations.
Influenced by Atatürk in Turkey, Reza inspired a campaign for a republic. This was too radical for clerical and other conservatives, who inspired hostile demonstrations. Reza capitulated on the republic. Under Reza Shah, Western incursions became far more indirect than before. The new Shah was faced with a country stil requiring major changes to undertake significant modernization.
Reza Shah soon began a further impressive program of modernization, though without reforming the old agrarian structures. ’modernization from above’ was seen by Reza Shah and those around him as the war to make Iran a strong, self-respecting nation that could hold its own in the modern world.
Reza Shah’s reign saw a number of major changes in Iran’s economy and society, but despite a formal retention of the constitution and majles elections, decision making was increasingly monopolized by shah. Political life under Reza Shah was extremely limited, owing to the Shah’s despotic controls and suppression of opposition.
The years 1925 to 1941 saw the parial fulfillment of a far larger modernization program than had ever been attempted in ıran. The growth of the army and the bureaucracy contributed to urbanization, and Tehran’s population grew greatly. Nearly all civil service jobs were in the capital, owing to a policy of centralization, with all important decisions made in Tehran. The growth of Tehran created new jobs for most urban groups. The army and civil service were channels fort he spread of new ideas, although cencorship and government propaganda limited published ideas largely to official nationalism. A series of legal reforms in 1925-49 progresively reduced the judicial role of the clergy and and increasingly introduced a modern, nonclerical judiciary and a uniform, centrally controlled legal system.
Reza Shah regime avoided foreign debt by means of large increases in indirect taxes. The regime tried to overcome Iran’s negative trade balance and to halt the rial’s fall by a Monopoly of Foreign Trade Law of 1931.the government took control of import and exports, with the aim of balancin them. Political and social life in the 1930s had many of the same features as the economy. Centralization was the rule in politics as in economic life.
The Reza shah period, for all its apparent independence of western control was affected by the Western powers as is seen particularly in reza Shah’s economic program and foreign relations. Foreign investment grew at a rapid rate, notabley in the oil fields, but also in transport and communications.ın foreign policy Reza Shah was friendly first to the British and later to the Germans.
In sum, Reza Shah made lots of reforms; such as clothing reform, marriage law, industrial revolution, educational revolution, nationalizing petrol, uniting army and so forth. However, all these revolutions drew negative reaction of religious functionaries. The UK got suspicious about Nazi Germany was conspiring with Iran because of Reza Shah’s friendship with Adolf Hitler. UK ordered Reza Shah to abdicate in 1941.
UK let Iran to enthrone Mohammad Reza Pahlavi who was Reza Shah’s son anyway. Mohammad Reza Shah followed his father’s footsteps and kept his father’s policies exactly. He was too young and un experienced. He was aware of that he could not be a qualified national leader as his father was. However, he tried so hard to maintain Reza Shah’s strong administration. Mohammad Reza Shah’s understanding of governance can be stated simply with these words: Centralization, modernization, secular nationalism. But yet, Mohammad Reza Shah’s position in internal and also external policy was not steady at all in 1941.
From 1949 on, sentiment for nationalization of Iran's oil industry grew. In 1949 the Majlis approved the First Development Plan (1948-55), which called for comprehensive agricultural and industrial development of the country. The Plan Organization was established to administer the program, which was to be financed in large part from oil revenues. Politically conscious Iranians were aware, however, that the British government derived more revenue from taxing the concessionaire, the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC--formerly the Anglo-Persian Oil Company), than the Iranian government derived from royalties. The oil issue figured prominently in elections for the Majlis in 1949, and nationalists in the new Majlis were determined to renegotiate the AIOC agreement. [6]In November 1950, the Majlis committee concerned with oil matters, headed by Mosaddeq, rejected a draft agreement in which the AIOC had offered the government slightly improved terms. These terms did not include the fifty-fifty profit-sharing provision that was part of other new Persian Gulf oil concessions.
Subsequent negotiations with the AIOC were unsuccessful, partly because General Ali Razmara, who became prime minister in June 1950, failed to persuade the oil company of the strength of nationalist feeling in the country and in the Majlis. When the AIOC finally offered fifty-fifty profit-sharing in February 1951, sentiment for nationalization of the oil industry had become widespread. Razmara advised against nationalization on technical grounds and was assassinated in March 1951 by Khalil Tahmasebi, a member of the militant Fadayan-e Islam. On March 15, the Majlis voted to nationalize the oil industry. In April the shah yielded to Majlis pressure and demonstrations in the streets by naming Mosaddeq prime minister.
Oil production came to a virtual standstill as British technicians left the country, and Britain imposed a worldwide embargo on the purchase of Iranian oil. In September 1951, Britain froze Iran's sterling assets and banned export of goods to Iran. It challenged the legality of the oil nationalization and took its case against Iran to the International Court of Justice at The Hague. The court found in Iran's favour, but the dispute between Iran and the AIOC remained unsettled. Under United States pressure, the AIOC improved its offer to Iran. The excitement generated by the nationalization issue, anti-British feeling, agitation by radical elements, and the conviction among Mosaddeq's advisers that Iran's maximum demands would, in the end, be met, however, led the government to reject all offers. The economy began to suffer from the loss of foreign exchange and oil revenues.
As domestic conditions deteriorated, however, Mosaddeq's populist style grew more autocratic. In August 1952, the Majlis acceded to his demand for full powers in all affairs of government for a six-month period. These special powers were subsequently extended for a further six-month term. He also obtained approval for a law to reduce, from six years to two years, the term of the Senate (established in 1950 as the upper house of the Majlis), and thus brought about the dissolution of that body. Mosaddeq's support in the lower house of the Majlis (also called the Majlis) was dwindling, however, so on August 3, 1953, the prime minister organized a plebiscite for the dissolution of the Majlis, claimed a massive vote in favour of the proposal, and dissolved the legislative body.
The administration of President Harry Truman initially had been sympathetic to Iran's nationalist aspirations. Under the administration of President Dwight D. Eisenhower, however, the United States came to accept the view of the British government that no reasonable compromise with Mosaddeq was possible and that, by working with the Toudeh, Mosaddeq was making probable a communist-inspired takeover. Mosaddeq's intransigence and inclination to accept Toudeh support, the Cold War atmosphere, and the fear of Soviet influence in Iran also shaped United States thinking. In June 1953, the Eisenhower administration approved a British proposal for a joint Anglo-American operation, code-named Operation Ajax, to overthrow Mosaddeq. Kermit Roosevelt of the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) traveled secretly to Iran to coordinate plans with the shah and the Iranian military, which was led by General Fazlollah Zahedi.
Chapter One: 1st speech.
"I must tell you that Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, that evil traitor, has gone. He fled and plundered everything. He destroyed our country and filled our cemeteries. He ruined our country's economy. Even the projects he carried out in the name of progress, pushed the country towards decadence. He suppressed our culture, annihilated people and destroyed all our manpower resources. We are saying this man, his government, his Majlis are all illegal. If they were to continue to stay in power, we would treat them as criminals and would try them as criminals. I shall appoint my own government. I shall slap this government in the mouth. I shall determine the government with the backing of this nation, because this nation accepts me."
"I must tell you that Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, that evil traitor, has gone. He fled and plundered everything. He destroyed our country and filled our cemeteries. He ruined our country's economy. Even the projects he carried out in the name of progress, pushed the country towards decadence. He suppressed our culture, annihilated people and destroyed all our manpower resources. We are saying this man, his government, his Majlis are all illegal. If they were to continue to stay in power, we would treat them as criminals and would try them as criminals. I shall appoint my own government. I shall slap this government in the mouth. I shall determine the government with the backing of this nation, because this nation accepts me."
Chapter Two: 1st speech.
"This government represents a regime, whose leader and his father were illegally in power. This government is therefore illegal. The deputies appointed to work in the Majlis are there illegally. The Majlis itself and the Senate are illegal. How can anyone appointed by the Shah be legal? We are telling all of them that they are illegal and they should go. We hereby announce that this government, which has presented itself as a legal government is in fact illegal. Even the members of this government before accepting to be ministers, were considering the whole establishment to be illegal. What has happened now, that they are claiming to be legitimate? This gentleman, Dr Bakhtiar, does not accept himself, and his friends do not accept him either. The nation does not accept him and the army does not accept him. Only America is backing him and has ordered the army to support him. Britain has backed him too and had said that he must be supported. If one were to search among the nation, one would not find a single person among all strata of the nation, who accepts this man, but he is saying that one country cannot have two governments. Well of course, it is clear that this country does not have two governments and in any case, the illegal government should go. You are illegal. The government of our choice relies on the nation's backing and enjoys the backing of God. If you claim that your government is legal, you must necessarily be denying God and the will of the nation. Someone must put this man in his place."
"This government represents a regime, whose leader and his father were illegally in power. This government is therefore illegal. The deputies appointed to work in the Majlis are there illegally. The Majlis itself and the Senate are illegal. How can anyone appointed by the Shah be legal? We are telling all of them that they are illegal and they should go. We hereby announce that this government, which has presented itself as a legal government is in fact illegal. Even the members of this government before accepting to be ministers, were considering the whole establishment to be illegal. What has happened now, that they are claiming to be legitimate? This gentleman, Dr Bakhtiar, does not accept himself, and his friends do not accept him either. The nation does not accept him and the army does not accept him. Only America is backing him and has ordered the army to support him. Britain has backed him too and had said that he must be supported. If one were to search among the nation, one would not find a single person among all strata of the nation, who accepts this man, but he is saying that one country cannot have two governments. Well of course, it is clear that this country does not have two governments and in any case, the illegal government should go. You are illegal. The government of our choice relies on the nation's backing and enjoys the backing of God. If you claim that your government is legal, you must necessarily be denying God and the will of the nation. Someone must put this man in his place."
Chapter Three: 1st speech.
"We want our army to be independent. You army commanders, you generals and major generals, do you not wish to be independent? What is our reward for saying that we would like our army to be independent? Is it right to punish us by killing our young men in the street just because we wish you to be your own master rather than taking orders from foreign powers? At this point I would like to thank those units of the army, which have joined the ranks of the nation. We praise the NCOs, the air force, and officers of the air force, who are already with us and call upon the rest of you to join. Abandon your foreign masters and do not fear that if you abandon them, we will come and hang you. Such rumours are spread by your enemies. Can you not see your other comrades, the officers, the NCOs and the pilots, who have joined us? We love them, we respect them and we want to keep our strong army intact. We want to have a powerful country. We want to preserve the structure of the army, but for the service of the nation."
"We want our army to be independent. You army commanders, you generals and major generals, do you not wish to be independent? What is our reward for saying that we would like our army to be independent? Is it right to punish us by killing our young men in the street just because we wish you to be your own master rather than taking orders from foreign powers? At this point I would like to thank those units of the army, which have joined the ranks of the nation. We praise the NCOs, the air force, and officers of the air force, who are already with us and call upon the rest of you to join. Abandon your foreign masters and do not fear that if you abandon them, we will come and hang you. Such rumours are spread by your enemies. Can you not see your other comrades, the officers, the NCOs and the pilots, who have joined us? We love them, we respect them and we want to keep our strong army intact. We want to have a powerful country. We want to preserve the structure of the army, but for the service of the nation."
Chapter Four: 1st speech.
(Read by Ayatollah Moussavi Ardabili.)
"Now that the armed forces have stepped back, have declared their neutrality in the face of political affairs and have expressed support for the nation, the dear and courageous nation is expected to maintain law and order when the troops return to barracks. You should stop saboteurs, who may try to create catastrophe and instruct them of their religious and humanitarian obligations. Do not allow anyone to attack foreign embassies. If, God forbid, the army were to enter the arena again, you must defend yourselves with all your might. I hereby inform senior army officers that if they were to stop the army's aggression, and instruct them to join the nation and its legal Islamic government, we would regard the army as part of the nation and vice versa. [Signed Ruhollah al-Mousavi al-Khomeini]."
(Read by Ayatollah Moussavi Ardabili.)
"Now that the armed forces have stepped back, have declared their neutrality in the face of political affairs and have expressed support for the nation, the dear and courageous nation is expected to maintain law and order when the troops return to barracks. You should stop saboteurs, who may try to create catastrophe and instruct them of their religious and humanitarian obligations. Do not allow anyone to attack foreign embassies. If, God forbid, the army were to enter the arena again, you must defend yourselves with all your might. I hereby inform senior army officers that if they were to stop the army's aggression, and instruct them to join the nation and its legal Islamic government, we would regard the army as part of the nation and vice versa. [Signed Ruhollah al-Mousavi al-Khomeini]."
In 1953, after Mosaddeq was dismissed with a strike which was supported by US and UK, Iranian people went through a trauma. Because, Mosaddeq was a leader who had seen as defender of Iranian national interests, and who loved by Iranian people. With this path, we can stated that Mosaddeq case was the trigger of Iranian Islamic Revolution and it created a knock-on effect.7
Shah desired to improve policies which were economic and also diffusing ones into every area of social life. He wanted to make real this wish with White Revolution between 1950 and 1979 years. White Revolution was a modernization programme which was based on land reform. Large land owners, ulema, craftsmen, merchants and farmers got angry because of this reform and they adopted an anti-regime attitude. Because, these people had a traditional, land-centered lives. Their life traditions were intervened and crashed by White Revolution.
Besides, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi maintained a close relationship with the United States. Both countries shared the opposition opinion to the expansionism policy of the Soviet Union which was Iran's powerful northern neighbour. Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi adopted only autocracy. He focused on modernization and Westernization and he disregarded for religious and democracy in Iran's constitution.
Ruhollah Khomeini was a mullah and he waited along too many years to have power. After White Revolution, Ruhollah Khomeini was not pleased. He started to sermonise full of anti-Shah words in 1963. In these years, Iran established a strong intelligence service which named SAVAK. Khomeini was imprisoned for several times. Ultimately, Khomeini got the death penalty, after declaring the Shah a "wretched miserable man”. Howewver, in just one night, Khomeini gained a great position which precluded his death penalty. Someone who has this position could not be execute in frame of Shiah traditions. When Shah could not execute Khomeini, he decided to exile him where he remained for 15 years, until the revolution.8
In this era, American effect was perceived as becoming distanced with islamic lifestyle and cultural emperialism by public opposition. US and the West were doing this by movies, music and luxury consumer goods. Moral values were attacked according to public opposition. This perspective spread all over the country. Reformist movement accelerated among religious functionaries between 1960’s and 1970’s.
In 1977, Shah Muhammed Reza Pehlavi built an oppressive regime properly. Shah’s regime was seen as fist of steel and dictatorship which tried tosquelch every single opposition movement. Iranian people collaborated against Shah’s repression. Meanwhile, economic and political crisis were getting deeper. In addition to this, Shah was cancer patient. Secret police service SAVAK, started to make operasions against opposition such as bombing and assassination.9
In 1978-1970, society was seperated into social classes. Public opposition and hatred for Shah regime became widespread, while Shah and SAVAK were increasing the repression. Khomeini told people that Shah was defender of American interests, nothing more. Rebelling to the regime which transformed into cruelty, was a part of Islam. Everyone had to make a move who call themselves as Muslim. In other words, Khomeini’s thoughts and doctrines adopted by large masses. Ideology of Islam pays attention to notions; such as equality, fellowship, loyalty. Khomeini and his followes drew people’s attention to this remarkable point. Khomeini created a connection between politics and religion.
In 16 January 1979, Shah Muhammed Reza Pehlavi left the country. In February, military government took charge. Sahpour Bakhtiar became Prime Minister. Bakhtiar was not powerful enough to stop approaching revolution. In 1 February 1979, Khomeini came back to country from Paris. As soon as he he arrived, he made a statement that Bakhtiar’s cabinet had to resign. Khomeini formed a government, thus there were two-headed government. When Bakhtiar wasn’t approved, then he resigned. Thereby Iranian Islamic Revolution had occurred.10
Cultural, Economical and Political aspects before the Revolution and the impacts of the Revolution on these aspects
Cultural Aspect:
It is true that the religious has an influence on socio-politic and socio-cultural structure of Iran.In fact Iranian Revolution included 2 sections: Firstly, the revolution was result in the collapse of the Pehlevi regimes.Leftist-Islami revolutionist groups were part of this revolution. Secondly, that revolution was the cultural revolution which was realized by Khomeini and his supporters.Khomeini promised some words unless back to Iran.However, he gave an order that all women had to be covered as muslim women when he came back to Iran.After that dictation Iranian women protested against that commend in Tahran and also in other big cities in 8 Mart 1979. And after these events Khomeini declared that this order was untrue.
After 1963 there were started flow of tourists to Iran.The tourists brought new world culture to Iran in that period when there had not been communication technology which opened to the public. So, young people stayed away from the orders of Mullahs. Moreover, industrialization and enrichment directed young people to schools and universities and also made people to stay away from madrasas.That situation bothered Mullahs.Khomeini gave signal of Cultural Revolution in Friday prayer in the late of 1980.[7]For this reason university students opposed to “Molla” regimes, so Mesij, the militia made an attack to shed blood.Then Mullahs closed the universities because of the claim that people who were westerner opinion opposed to religious.A lot of profesors, instructors and teachers were expurgated.The empty cadres were filled by Khomeini’s supporters. Khomeini also obliged women to cover. Khomeini ordered that music would be forbidden by religion except military marches.Iranian revolutionaries gave universal messages and they used concepts such as “independence, equality, justice, freedom”.Primarily they stayed away from concepts which were belong Shiism when they tried to export the revolution.Because according to revolutionarists the revolution had been occurred around the universal messages.At this point there had been emphasized the brotherhood of religious order of Shiism and Sunni.However,Shiism, the established form of Islam in Iran and its several forms of expression, such as passion plays , curricula and debates of madrasa, preachments, can be viewed as cultural forms of composed of symbolic structures.There are at least 4 main styles of using Shiism in Iran which are the popular religion of the villages and bazaars; the scholarly religion of the madrasas or colleges where the religious leaders are trained, the mystical counterculture of Sufism and the privatized, ethical religion of the upper classes. Dr.Ali Shariati, the hero of Iran’s youth in the 1970’s, attempted to bridge the gap between traditional Shiism and contemporary sociology. After his death and during the revolution his teachings were appropriated by the more progressive wing of the religious movement. To understand a cultural form requires an appreciation of its internal symbolic structure, its historical boundaries, its sociological boundaries and its lines of change. Cultural structures such as the Karbala paradigm, however have multiple uses. The form of preaching, the “rawda” which benefited the Karbala paradigm and is used on occasions of death memorials religious commemorations and communal gatherings – may continue to play an important role in the emotional life of many Iranians.
Economical Aspect:
[8] Iran had been becoming industrialized before the Revolution. Iran had been a wheat exporter state. But after 1963 the agricultural sector started to deterriorate in Iran and Iran would be wheat importer country.Unemployment rate increased in cities fastly, so the basic groups of the revolution were being establishing.Iran attracted international capital because there had been political stabilization in Iran and Iran had been the most independent and the most confidental state. And also there had been much more and cheap labours in Iran.The government esablished car factories and supported small local industries. International capital bothered the Leftists, on the other side coming more tourists bothered conservative people.International capital left the state after Khomeini became to power.Small enterprises and a group knewn as “Carshi” ( Bazaari) governed administration.The all banks were nationalized during the new period.
Political Aspect:
[9]In 1978 people started to rise in revolt.The circuses which had occurred in the initial months, were under the hegemony of the religious opposition. The religious opposition was supported by poor people who live in cities. Shakh was obliged to promise democracy to people in 4 August.But people did not believe the Shakh.All crowds rised to revolt to Shakh.Anyway closed newspapers and journals started to be printed again and exiled people came back to Iran.In 8 September some state powers intevened the mass meeting and there had been killed more than hundred people.People who work at the petrolium sector in Iran, took industrial action in order to protest the intervention of state powers to meetings and also declaration of martial law.These industrial actions outspreaded to other towns and the demands were not only about economical demands, there were political demands also.Industrial action committies were organized in all regions. The number of people who [10]took industrial action were more than 2,5 milion and the action was outspreaded to all institutions of Shakh.People who worked in banks,who worked for media also took industrial action.There had been 2 milion people who were in meeting in Tahran in 11 December.
The government were changed because of confliction in the streets and in manifacturing sectors.Imperialists feared because of that events and they charged off Shakh in order to rescue the system.Shakh constituted Kingdom Council and chose Shakhbatur Bakhtiyar from National Side, as prime minister in 14 January 1979. Then Shakh left the Iran.In this way after 2500 years Iran Shakh state collapsed.Although Shakh left the state and Bakhtiyar came to power in Iran, the anger of crowds did not stop. People were in the streets and labours were in industrial actions again.
Khomeini declared Islamic Revolution Council as he came back to Iran. Bourgious attempted to make alliance with Khomeini and decided that to make a temporary government.Working class and national movement were in the ascendant. United States lost their ally in Middle East with this revolution.Before the revolution Iran was the strongest state in politic and military area in the Middle East.But after the revolution Iran lost the power in the international arena and they were belonged to supporter state of terrorism.In the latest years of Pehlevi regimes Iran bought 202 F-14 Tomcatler with the supports of United States and Iran was the fifth strongest state in Air power and they were able to throw sky plane of the Soviet Union.After that event Soviet Union was obliged to declare that their planes would not fly in the Iranian sky. The Leftists and Mullahs were opposed to spending money to armament and Soviet Union supported them. According to Khomeini instead of spending money to military, they could give that money to people and also they could make free of charge of communal charges with this money. These promises were attractive for poor people so they collected around of Khomeini.And also it is true that the weapons which were sold to Iran during the Shakh regime, frightened not only United States but also other Western States during Mullahs regime.[11]
Impacts of foreign powers on revolution
When we look at the external games played on the Iranian Revolution, we see the most important events that on the oil.
Between 1953 and 1963 much poverty remained among the Iranian people, and the gap between the rich and poor grew. There was talk of the oligarchy of one thousand families. One of the great landowners was the Shah (king), Muhammad Reza Pahlavi. Another was the Shia clerical establishment, which had acquired land through religious endowments. But under the Pahlavi dynasty, secularism increased and the power and influence of Shia scholars decreased, and the Shah allied himself with secularists in conflict with Muslims who held traditionalist values on such matters as tobacco, alcohol, movies, gambling and foreign dress.
In the late 1940s, unrest began growing steadily among the politically active in Iran, but mainly by the help of the Americans. This was because of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC), a British-owned firm which was earning large profits from its monopoly over Iran's oil industry. In October of 1949, a group of prominent political figures established an organization known as the National Front to press for political reforms and nationalization of the AlOC's assets in Iran. The National Front became extremely popular and managed to elect eight of its members to the Majlis in late 1949 which was greatly influenced by the American General Schwarzkopf. The National Front was led by Muhammad Mussadiq, a charismatic Majlis deputy from a wealthy land owning family who had established a reputation as an ardent nationalist and democrat. By all accounts, it seems that Mussadiq was brought into power with the American help. This is due to many reasons such as: Britain had oil monopoly in Iran and Mussadiq called for the end to this by calling for nationalization of the oil industry.[12]
The Shah increased Iran's tie with the United States. His agreement with a western oil consortium annoyed many, and some were annoyed by the presence of many Americans. Some Iranians saw the United States as having taken the place of the British. Some discontented Muslims formed an underground group called the Fedaiyan-e Islam. They tried to assassinate the Shah's prime minister. The Shah responded by repressing the Fedaiyan-e Islam and executing a few of its members.[13]
The British government's control of 51% of the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (APOC) does not adequately explain the bad history of its colonial domination of all aspects of Iranian life; especially its lifeblood of revenue-producing oil. Among the world's poorest and most backward countries yet with untold wealth buried deep within its land, the APOC Agreement of 1919 removed the last trace of that country's sovereignty as its government succumbed to bribes and intimidation in exchange for 16% of oil profits. Today, APOC is better known as BP.[14]
Iran is an important test case firstly because until the revolution, Iran was one of three key pro-Western strongholds in the Middle East necessary for suppressing local worker demands and keeping oil production cheap (the others being Israel and Saudi Arabia). Secondly, because the revolution - or more correctly, the Muslim clerical counter-revolution that destroyed it - was to the Arab, Kurdish and Persian world what the Russian Revolution was to the European world and has provided the "model revolution" debated amongst anti-imperialist and revolutionary Muslim workers ever since. Iran developed great strategic importance for the imperialist powers (especially Britain and Russia, then later the USA) following the discovery of massive reserves of oil there in 1908.[15]
A retrospective of the US-British-Iranian history of the 1950's raises important questions about what the world; specifically the Middle East, might look like today if Churchill and Eisenhower had not given the green light for a coup, if Mossadegh had been allowed to fulfill his commitment to bring self-determination to his country or if the CIA had been limited to its original charter in 1947 to "intelligence affecting national security."
It was not until Cold Warrior Winston Churchill succeeded Attlee and Dwight Eisenhower became president in 1953 that the Iranian matter moved forward. It took little time for the Dulles brothers at the CIA and State Department, respectively, to turn the CIA loose, sending Kermit Roosevelt, Teddy's grandson, to Iran. Armed with 1 million dollar, Roosevelt assumed the clandestine network already established by the Brits as he bribed government officials and clerics to attack Mossadegh with staged protests and street riots.[16]Perfecting the art of manipulation of public opinion, Roosevelt's provocateurs used a sympathetic media to spread lies and effectively staged violent demonstrations by phony Mossadegh supporters that brought instability and chaos to the country.
Shah was quiet aware of the CIA's involvement in his country. He said, in a private conversation with some American visitors, that he received some reports that the Americans were involved with a few oil companies during some of the most recent riots in the country. Shah said in an interview with Dean Brellis and Parvis Raeim from “Time Magazine” that the CIA began making contact within dissident ranks fifteen years ago so that the U.S. would have influence with anyone who might manage to overthrow him.Also, he said that "if he left the throne, thousands would die in the ensuing fight," and if that happened, he feels that "Communist forces would take control of what would then be a bankrupt and fragmented country.[17] When Shah became sixty years old, he did not have a strong party to inherit his policies. The people wanted him out because of corruption, though many had valued the things he did. They wanted somebody else to lead them. The strongest alternative to Shah was Khomeini, especially during a time when Islam became a hot topic in the region. Shah accused the CIA of being behind the plot to get rid of him and of having strong relations with his opposition. While, Khomeini was the head of that opposition.
On the assumption that some form of radical Islamic regime remains in power in Iran, four general consequences would appear to follow, whatever the uncertainty and variety of official and unofficial policies: first, Iranian oil exports will remain substantially lower than in the Shah's period and probably at less than 3 m / b / d;[18]secondly, Iran will continue to have at least fractious relations with its neighbours, Arab and non-Arab; thirdly, Iran will not ally itself in international relations with either America or Russia, although it may try to improve its relations with both; fourthly, the instability generated by the Iranian revolution and in particular by the hostages issue has increased the possibility of a direct US intervention in the Gulf and has , even if the hostages issue is resolved, opened the door to a more active US military role. By the same token, however, the risks which the current Islamic regime has conjured up have led a number of outside powers to envisage supporting tendencies inside Iran that could remove the radical Islamic regime altogether. Whilst such an eventuality opens up the possibility that a fundamentally different regime would come into operation and end the conflicts between İran and other states, such attempts at outside intervention also increase the possibilities of serious conflict in the region, and with unforeseeable consequences.
As a conclusion, Iranian revolution had ended a rooted monarchy. Because of that, it was naturally anti-monarchist. Iranian revolutionists impasted revolution with Islam. They made propaganda of that Islam ideology was anti-monarchist. Therefore, thet defended that monarchies had to be ended in Islamic world. Iranian revolution was Pan-islamist by its very nature. Ruhollah Khomeini defended “United Islamic World” in the whole world. Problems were products of westernization and/or conspiration of West countries. Solution was going back to Islam. Muslims had to cooperate each other to change global balance and take down West’s superiority. To sum up, Ruhollah Khomeini made real this wish within the boundaries of Iran. But other Islamic countries saw these ideas as “shiism propaganda”.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1) A History of the Modern Middle East : William L. Cleveland
2) Iran: from religious dispute to revolution : Micheal F. Fisher
3) Jahangir Abuzegar, The Dynamics of Iranian Revolution
4) Sanghvi, Ramesh. Aryamehr: The Shah of Iran: A Political Biography.
5) Amirsadeghi, Hossein. Twentieth-Century Iran. New York: Holmes and Meier
6) Saikal, Amin. The Rise and Fall of the Shah. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press
7) Abrahamian, Ervand, “The Crowd in Iranian Politics, 1905–1953.”
8) Iran: Monarchy, Bureaucracy, and Reform under the Qajars: Bakhash, Shaul
9) Merip Reports: Middle East Research and Information Project. “Iran's Revolution: The Rural Dimension.
10) http://libcom.org/history/1978-1979-the-iranian-revolution
11) http://www.findingdulcinea.com/news/Middle-East/2009/june/History-of-Iranian-Revolutions.html
[1] Jahangir Abuzegar, The Dynamics of Iranian Revolution;1991 ,p.9
[2] Jahangir Abuzegar, The Dynamics of Iranian Revolution;1991 ,p.6
[3]Abrahamian, Ervand, “The Crowd in Iranian Politics, 1905–1953.” Past and Present (December 1968), 184–210.
[4]Amirsadeghi, Hossein. Twentieth-Century Iran. New York: Holmes and Meier, 1977.
[5]Saikal, Amin. The Rise and Fall of the Shah. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1980.
[6]Sanghvi, Ramesh. Aryamehr: The Shah of Iran: A Political Biography. London: Macmillan, 1968.
[7]Dr. Unal Gundogan, Ortadogu Analiz, Iranian Islamic Revolution From Past to Present: A General Evaluation, Mayis 2011,Cilt 3, Sayi 29
[8]Kurzman ,The Unthinkable Revolution in Iran,2004
[9] Norman Kempster, "Iran ready to Come Back F-14 Fighters", The Los Angeles Times;29.03.1979
[10]Norman Kempster. "Iran ready to Come Back F-14 Fighters", The Los Angeles Times, 29.03.1979
[12]Iran and the Revolution, http://islamicweb.com/beliefs/cults/iranian_revolution.htm
[15]1978-1979: The Iranian Revolution, by Michael Schmidt
[16]http://www.huffingtonpost.com/renee-parsons/a-history-of-us-intervent_b_1304170.html
[17]http://islamicweb.com/beliefs/cults/iranian_revolution.htm
[18]Iranian Revolution in International Affairs: Programme an Pragtice, Fred Halliday
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